MarkHaversham wrote:
I did not assess the court by political party, but rather by using Martin-Quinn scores (which is why I said it was a 6-3 split, rather than 7-2). Also, I don't think "the justices didn't know this was a culture-war issue they were supposed to be taking partisan sides on" is an argument in favor of RvW being a partisan decision. Anyway, I'm not saying M-Q scores were given to us by an infallible god, but do you have a basis for rating the 1973 court as overwhelmingly liberal, aside from disagreeing with it on Roe v. Wade? [/quote]
I haven't heard of the Martin-Quinn scores and so I thank you for enlightening me with them and I look forward to researching them more. My perception of the 1973 court comes from many scholars' opinions of the court. This includes, ironically, President Obama's. Here's a piece of a
New York Times article titled "Obama Criticizes Liberal Supreme Courts of '60s and '70s" (
http://www.nytimes.com/2010/04/30/us/po ... .html?_r=0).
WASHINGTON — In a seeming rejection of liberal orthodoxy, President Obama has spoken disparagingly about liberal victories before the Supreme Court in the 1960s and 1970s — suggesting that justices made the “error” of overstepping their bounds and trampling on the role of elected officials.
Mr. Obama made his remarks Wednesday night against a backdrop of recent Supreme Court rulings in which conservative justices have struck down laws favored by liberals, most notably a January ruling that nullified restrictions on corporate spending to influence elections.
“It used to be that the notion of an activist judge was somebody who ignored the will of Congress, ignored democratic processes, and tried to impose judicial solutions on problems instead of letting the process work itself through politically,” Mr. Obama said.
“And in the ’60s and ’70s, the feeling was — is that liberals were guilty of that kind of approach. What you’re now seeing, I think, is a conservative jurisprudence that oftentimes makes the same error.”
He added, “The concept of judicial restraint cuts both ways.”
Regardless, you raise some good points and I'll accept that I need to research more specifics.
MarkHaversham wrote:
You're quite right that marriage is not defined in the constitution, which is why we have a Supreme Court to answer questions of how the constitutional rights relate to marriage. The court decided that marriage was a right belonging to all couples, not an institution that did or should exist solely for the purpose of heterosexual nuclear family stability. I suspect a key ingredient to this line of thinking is that allowing gays to marry does not hurt or really impact in any way the rights or lifestyles of anyone else. Nobody is forcing you to do anything except acknowledge a right for gay people to exist and associate freely. While historical precedent can be valuable, it's not sufficient to argue that we should continue discriminating because we've been doing so for a long time, therefore we should allow gay marriage or teaching literacy to minorities or whatever. Generally speaking, the court takes a dim view to restricting people's rights, absent those rights causing clear harm to others.
I don't think we're going to get anywhere with this because of the part I highlighted above. My contention is that's not the court's place. In a democratic society, that is the role of the legislature. That is creating law.
Also, I need to personally address your assertion that "Nobody is forcing you to do anything except acknowledge a right for gay people to exist and associate freely."
I have no problem acknowledging that. I think people should be free to love whoever they choose and I hope that makes them happy. I assert no moral or theological argument, and even think that gay couples should be allowed to have their union blessed by whatever religious tradition will do so. So that's a straw man argument.
The left, quite successfully, has portrayed everyone opposed to gay marriage as being motivated by a bigoted homophobia. And that's simply false. Sure, some are, but that's not my argument and that's not the argument that was presented by Hodges in Obergefell. Our opposition is motivated by two, succinct points.
1. Not allowing gay people to marry is not discrimination because, to be blunt, such a union isn't a marriage.
2. Redefining such a union to be included in the definition of marriage is a responsibility delegated to the states under the 10th Amendment and should be decided by them.
MarkHaversham wrote:Regardless, as you pointed out, the Constitution does not give a clear guidance on the limits of marriage rights, which puts this issue squarely in the purview of the SCOTUS, no law-twisting necessary.
That's not law-twisting, that's completely ignoring the law. That's completely ignoring the 10th Amendment.
10th Amendment: The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people.
MarkHaversham wrote:Regarding the 2nd...
Weren't you earlier complaining about how liberals twist the text to fit their preferences?
Yeah, I was complaining about Roe, which stretched the "Right of Privacy" to include the right of a mother to intentionally kill her unborn offspring. That's a stretch. I also complained about Obergefell, which didn't twist text so much as inserting text where none existed.
Conversely, I don't see how defining the literal terms used in the text, such as "well-regulated" or "militia" is twisting the text. I would hope that if a justice, or really anyone, reads "A well-regulated militia" they would ask themselves "Well what do they mean by 'well-regulated'?" at which point they could do some research and see that in context of the 1780's "well-regulated" meant "well-trained" or "well-equipped". And then they could do some historical research on what composed the militia in those days, and also what U.S. Code says the militia is today (all able-bodied males between the ages of 17-45).
And then they could do some research on how the 2nd Amendment reads in context to the rest of the Constitution. At this point, they should realize that at no other point is the phrase "the right of the People" used in any way that isn't meant to guarantee an individual right.
So, to imply that this interpretation is "text-twisting" is simply wishful thinking at best. When you do the basic research into the 2nd Amendment, regarding the definitions and contexts that I alluded to previously, you realize that the 2nd Amendment is rather blunt and straightforward.